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Honor, Dueling, and Drengskapr in the Viking Age

Much of the text presented on this page is out-of-date. Until we find time to make the needed updates to this page, we strongly encourage readers to look at this topic as it is presented in our new book, Men of Terror, available now from your favorite book seller.

This Norse concept of 'honor' and of a 'good name' and the extraordinary lengths to whicha Norseman went in order to protect his good name require a far lengthier explanation than I can give here. In part, that's because similar concepts don't exist in modern western culture. Thus, English language translations of the Norse words are clumsy and imprecise. For the bestexplanation, I suggest reading the chapter in Sigurður Nordal's Íslenzkmenning. (The full citation is in the HurstwicReferences page.)

However, the Íslendingasögur (Sagas of the Icelanders)provide a marvelous (if somewhat distorted) window on the ethics and morality ofIcelandic society in the Norse era. Because the sagas were not written downuntil hundreds of years after the events they describe, they represent aconfluence of ideas about ethics and morals from both the pagan saga age (when thestories are set) and the Christian Sturlunga age (when the stories were written).

The range of behaviors in Norse society ran the gamut from drengskapr toníðr. The first is usually translated as 'honor' and the second as 'shame'.

At one extreme, the state of drengskapr was admired, and the actions of a drengrwould be emulated and praised.

At the other extreme, the state of níðr was despised, and the actions of aníðingr would be avoided and reviled.

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Snorri Sturluson wrote, 'Valiant men who exert a good influence are calleddrengr.' A drengr possessed bravery, nobility, magnanimity, a sense of fair play, respect for others, the strength to do what is right, and a sense of personal honor. Physical bravery was taken for granted. More important was self-control. A drengr showed equanimity in the face of danger, not because of insensitivity or stupidity, but because the danger and the possible risk to life and limb was unimportant compared to the need to maintain self-respect and the respect of the community. There was a practical side to such imperturbability, because notonly was it unmanly to show concern or fear in the face of danger, but alsouseless.

Examples from the saga illustrate that imperturbability. In chapter 6 ofGunnlaugs saga ormstungu, the earl noticed Gunnlaug's injured foot that oozed pus and blood with every step. The earl asked why he didn't limp. Gunnlaugur replied, 'One mustn't limp while both legs are the same length.'In a battle described in chapter 30 of Heiðarvíga saga, Þorbjörn's foot had been cut off at the ankle, but he continued to fight. His opponent Barði called him a troll for continuing to fight without a foot. Þorbjörn said, 'You don't have to be a troll to bear a wound well and fight as long as you can. That should be regarded as drengskapr.'

A níðingr was the object of hate and scorn. He was an outcast. Typical causes for such disgrace included: cowardice; treachery; shameful acts (such as killing kinsmen or defenseless people); breaking one's oath. When a man betrayed the trustof another man, that man would become known as a níðingr. In chapter 32 of Gísla saga, Eyjólfr ordered his men to kill a woman, a despicable act. Hávarðr stood up to him, telling the men not to do níðingsverk (the work of a níðingr).

Two other beliefs influenced the behavior of Viking-age people: fate and luck. The Norse myths say that when a baby is born, the threeNornar (women of destiny, left) choose the moment of its death. The Norse people believed that while nothing else in life was predetermined, no man could live past the moment chosen for him by the Nornar. Nothing could change that time, regardless of whether a person stayed at home in bed, or went out on bold adventures. Since there was nothing to lose and everything to gain by being venturesome, Norse people tended to be bold and daring, seeking out ways to increase honor and enhance their good names.

There are countless examples of this outlook on life in the sagas. Perhaps the most succinct comes from chapter 8 of Kjalnesinga saga. Kolfinnur announced his plan to duel with Búi. When people suggested that the match was unevenly stacked against him, Kolfinnur replied, 'There are two outcomes to every danger: either I will live or I will die.'

That is not to say that people were foolhardy. In chapter 7 of Vatnsdælasaga, Ingjaldur advised young Ingimundur and Grímur, asthey left on their first Viking raids: 'Beware of going whereoverwhelming force opposes you. There is more honor in accumulatinglittle by little than in overreaching and falling down flat.' Ingimundrand Grímur took the advice to heart. They did not attack where it madeno sense, and by the end of their first raiding season, they hadaccumulated five ships.

Additionally, the Norse people strongly believed in the power of luck (gæfa). Nothing could stop a lucky man, and little could help an unlucky man. Men sought to ally themselves with lucky men and to possess lucky things. Ásgautur was challenged to a duel by a berserk over his sister's hand in marriage, as told in chapter 4 of of Víga-Glúms saga. Ásgautur went to the brothers Ívarr and Hreiðarr and asked for their support, saying 'I'm not strong enough for a duel unless I get the benefit of your good luck as well.'

Likewise, men distanced themselves from unlucky men and disposed of unlucky things. Not only was it considered dishonorable to take the weapons from dead men after a battle, it was probably considered unlucky as well. Since those weapons didn't bring much luck to their former owners, it's not reasonable to expect any different luck for subsequent owners.

People looked to omens and dreams for guidance on events yet to come. Chapter 2 of Grænlendinga saga says that when Leifur Eiríksson plannedhis first voyage of exploration to Vínland, he insisted that his father, Eiríkur, leadthe expedition, because he had the greatest luck of any of his kinsmen.But as Eiríkur rode to the ship, his horse stumbled, and he felloff. He said it was not intended that he live in any other land but theone he was in now, and so he returned home.

Dishonor could be communicated through a variety of means. One powerful means was through words. Certain insults were thought to be so powerful that Grágás, the medieval Icelandic law book, said that a man was free to kill someone who spoke certain forms of insults. Most of these insults have as their basis the implication that a man acted in a womanly manner. To a Norseman, cowardice and effeminacy were two sides of the same coin. Effeminacy implied sexual and social impotence. To suggest that a Norseman was no man (such as suggesting that he was the submissive partner in an encounter) was a mortal insult. Grágás (St376) says that if a man calls another man womanish, or says that he has been buggered, the recipient of the insult has the right to kill in retaliation.

In chapter 123 of Njáls saga, Flosi, thinking he had been insulted by Njáll, taunted him by saying, 'There are many who can't tell by looking at him whether he is a man or a woman.' Njal's son, Skarpheðinn, returned the taunt, with interest, saying, 'You are the sweetheart of the troll at Svinafell, as is said, he uses you as a woman every ninth night.' Flosi later made good on the insult by burning down Njál's house, killing both Njáll and Skarpheðinn (along with many others) in the flames.

In addition to being used to dishonor, insults were used to egg peopleon to action. Women often used taunts to incite the men in their familyto action when the men might otherwise be content to sit and do nothing.Kolfinn's mother, Þorgerðr, grew weary of his sitting and lounging bythe fire all day, as is told in chapter 7 of Kjalnesinga saga. She urgedhim to go to the farm at Kollafjörður, when men were playing games andother manly deeds, and where two suitors were vying for the hand of Olöf. 'You're soworthless that you just sit by the firepit, a distress to your mother.It would be better for you to be dead than to have this disgrace.' Kolfinnur got up, went to the farm and eventually killed one of the suitors and fought a duel with the other over Olöf. Tmpgenc 4.0 xpress 4.7.9.311 download.

Taunts and insults were also used during fights to anger an opponentinto making a mistake. As Þórður and Eyvindur fought against Össur andeleven of his men in chapter 9 of Þórðar saga hreðu, Þórður called outthat it didn't seem to be going well for Össur. 'You should be a leader of your men,instead of just using them as your shield.' In his anger, Össur lungedat Þórður. Þórður blocked with his shield and made a cut that separatedÖssur's ribs from his spine, killing him.

The sagas are filled with examples of insults that cut to the quick, butwhich are filled with humor to anyone not on the receiving end of theinsult. In chapter 18 of Víga-Glums saga, Bárður decided againstfighting his horse against one belonging to Vigfús. Vigfús taunted him,saying Bárð's horse was no match for his own, and Vigfús received a vicioustaunt from Bárður in return: 'You must have stood by the pantry shelvesdiscussing cooking with your mother more often than you've been tohorsefights, or that's how it seems from your little blonde beard.'

In chapter 3 of Þórðar saga hreðu, Ásbjörn came to Iceland and found himself attracted to Sigríður. Her brothers cared little for this, and theygave Ásbjörn the nickname veisugalti (cesspool-hog). Later, at a ballgame,Ásbjörn was matched against one of the brothers, Þórður. During thegame, Þórður threw down Ásbjörn and said, 'Cesspool-Hog has fallen.'Later, Ásbjörn threw down Þórður and said, 'You're not ready to playwith grown-ups yet, are you, Downy-Cheeks?' using a nickname thatimplied Þórður had no beard and his cheeks were as smooth as a maiden's.

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Insults were thought to be even more powerful when expressed in poetry. The penalty for composing even half a stanza of poetry with defamation or mockery in it was full outlawry (Grágás K238). The penalty for reciting such poetry was the same as for composing it. Throughout Bjarnar saga Hítdælakappa, Björn traded scurrilous verses with Þórður, who had crafted the lie that Björn was dead in order to marry Björn's intended bride, Oddný. After a number of ambushes and deaths, a settlement meeting was called, as described in chapter 29. Once the settlement had been arranged, Þórður realized Björn had recited one more verse than he had. Þórður recited an additional insulting verse, evening the score, which resulted in the settlement being abandoned.

Dishonor could also be shown with actions. A variety of activities meant to disgrace or mock a man are described in the stories and prohibited by law (e.g., Grágás St361). Activities such as intentionally making someone dirty, tearing or cutting their clothing, or anything meant to cause disgrace could be punished with full outlawry.

A memorable example from the stories is described in chapter 25 of Reykdæla saga og Víga-Skútu. Þorgeirr wanted to avenge the death of hisfather on Skúta at the Alþing meeting. At these meetings, people lived in temporary buildings called búðir (booths). To get Skúta's attention, Þorgeirr arranged for Skúta's booth to be used as a latrine all summer before the meeting. Skúta repaid the favor by killing Þorgeirr with the blow from his axe.

Dishonor could be shown by offering inappropriate gifts or compensation. Refur went to ask Þorbjörn for compensation for the killing of a farmhand, as told in chapter 3 of Króka-Refs saga. Þorbjörn offered Refur a untempered knife, and spoke a sentence that is cleverly alliterative in Icelandic: 'A soft person (i.e., a coward) should be offered a soft thing (i.e., an untempered blade).' Refur turned down the offer by thrusting his spear through Þorbjörn.

A gift that suggested that a man was womanish was a mortal insult. Again, chapter 123 of Njáls saga provides an example. A settlement was arranged between Flosi and Njáll, in which Njáll was to pay a large sum of money to Flosi. Njáll and his sons and his supporters and the arbitrators themselves all contributed. On top of the enormous pile of silver, Njáll laid a silk cloak as a gift to Flosi. When Flosi was brought to the Law Council to see the settlement, he asked whose garment it was. Although not explicitly stated, Flosi may have interpreted the fancy garment as a woman's cloak, added to the settlement as an insult to him.

Some forms of insult in the Viking age would be instantly recognizable in the modern era. In chapter 39 of Grettis saga, a boy straightened a finger to Grettir. In a rage, Grettir hit the boy to the floor, knocking him out.

Physical symbols of a man's shame might be erected as a means to signal dishonor. In chapter 2 of Gísla saga Súrssonar, it appeared thatneither Gísli nor Kolbjörn arrived to fight a duel with Skeggi, a shamefulfailure. Skeggi told a carpenter to make wooden effigies in the likenessof Gísli and Kolbjörn, one behind the other, to forever mock and shame them.Although not explicit, it's clear that a sexual insult is intended.

The ultimate symbol of shame was the níðstöng (scorn-pole). Chapter 57of Egils saga Skalla-Grímssonar describes the níðstöngraised by Egill against King Eiríkur and Queen Gunnhildur after receivingshameful treatment from them while trying to recover his wife's inheritance.Egill placed a horse's head on a hazel pole driven into the rocks near shore. Heinvoked a curse against the king and queen, demanding no rest for landvættir(land spirits) until they had driven the king and queen from the land. Turningthe horse's head towards the mainland where the king and queen were located,Egill carved the curse in runes on the pole.

A 20th century sculpture by Gustav Vigeland that depicts this episode is shown to the right.

Chapter 34 of Vatnsdæla sagadescribes the scorn-pole erected by Jökull towards Bergur and Finnbogi afterthey failed to show up at the appointed time and place for a duel. Jökullraised the scorn-pole, carved a man's head at the end of the pole and a cursein runes along the pole. He killed one of Finnbogi's mares, cutting it open atthe breast and setting it on the pole, facingtowards Finnbogi's farm.

A man's fame and honor in life, and his good name after death, were so important that a man was hypersensitive to the opinion of the community. He might not otherwise fear anything nor flinch atdeath, but the respect of the community was of paramount importance. Any offence in word or deed, or anything that might blot one's honor had to be dealt with firmly in order to maintain that respect. So a Norseman was constantly on the alert for wrongs against his person or his name. Those wrongs were proclaimed openly, and then avenged.

Vengeance was not a punishment for the person on whom it was inflicted. Rather, it was a reparation to the honor of the person who was being avenged. Vengeance repaired the honor of the injured person. Vengeance need not even beworked upon the individual who caused the offense. Killing a close family memberwas nearly as good as killing the responsible party. For instance, in Hrafnkelssaga Freysgoða, Hrafnkel saw Sám's brother ride by, and he killed theinnocent fellow toavenge himself on Sámur.

Since the power of the state was weak, vengeance was sanctioned and even encouraged by the laws. The medieval Icelandic lawbook Grágás (K 86)permitted a man who was seriously injured to avenge himself without penalty atany time up until the time the case was brought to court. And even when the law forbade vengeance, there were cases when public opinion demanded it.

Duels were an accepted way of making good on verbal injuries. The less formal form of dueling was known as einvígi (single combat),while the more formal duel was called a hólmganga (going to the island) because duels were frequently fought on small, deserted islands. The islands prevented cowards from runningaway, and limited possible interference from third parties.

The island on which duels were fought atÞingvellir (the site of Iceland's national parliament) no longer exists, due to the geological changes in thelandscape. The duel site is generally considered to have been on an island in the Öxará (right) near where the river enters the plain. Some of the sagas attest to thislocation, including chapter 16 of Ljósvetninga saga. However, it has also been suggested that the island was in the area now occupied by Þingvallavatn, thelake adjacent to the site (left).

Duels were conducted according to formal rules. Sql injection tool get cc cvv generator. According to the 13thcentury Swedish text Hednalagen, the injured party said, 'You are not a man's equal and not a man at heart.' The second party responded, 'I am as much a man as you.'

The time and place for the duel was set. If either party failed to show for any reason, he was branded a níðingr. Chapter 33 of Vatnsdæla sagadescribes an example. Bergur and Finnbogi challenged Jökull and Þorsteinn to aduel to take place at the haystack wall on the island in the river below Borg, Finnbogi's farm. (The farm, as it appears today, is shown to the right.)

Jökull responded, 'Youmust now turn up to the duel if you have a man's heart, rather than a mare's.And if anyone fails to turn up, then a scorn-pole will be raised against himwith this curse - that he will be a coward in the eyes of all men, and willnever again share the fellowship of good folk, and will endure the wrath of thegods, and bear the name of truce-breaker.' Bergur and Finnbogi failed toshow up for the duel, and Jökull and Þorsteinnerected a scorn-pole on the site to dishonor them, as described earlier in this article.

Many of the descriptions of duels in the sagas begin with a recitation of the dueling law (hólmgöngulög). The law seems to vary from one saga to the next, but there are similarities.

For the duel, a cloak was laid on the ground, about 2.5m square (8 feet square, which is considerably larger than a typical man's cloak). If either man stepped off the cloak, he lost the duel and was deemed to be níðingr.

Weapons used were swords, spears, and axes. Each man was allowed three shields,in the likely possibility of breakage. If either man's blood fell on the cloak, he was permitted to withdraw from the duel. The man with the worse wound could buy himself off. However, if a man died, all his property went to the winner, so most fights were to the death.

Chapter 9 of Svarfdæla saga provides slightly different details:

Then they proceeded to where they were to fight, and Moldi said he would state the duelling rules, 'for I have challenged you. Each of us will place his cloak under his feet, and each of us must stand on his cloak, not moving the thickness of a finger, and the one that moves will bear a coward's name, while the man that wins will be called a valiant man wherever he goes. Whoever is wounded or defeated can release himself from the duel by paying three marks.'

Chapter 11 of Gunnlaugs saga ormstungusays that the party who was challenged was to strike the first blow. It also states that when a man became weaponless, he was defeated.

There is the curious practice of bearing the shields for the participants in a duel. An example occurs in chapter 9 of Svarfdæla saga. The earl offered to bear Þorstein's shield for him, but Þorsteinn declined, saying that no one need be put at risk for his sake: 'I will bear my shield myself.'

Chapter 4 of Víga-Glúms saga tells that a berserk had challenged Þorsteinn to a duel. Eyjólfur was asked to hold Þorstein's shield, butdeclined, saying there was little credit in it. Instead, he offered totake Þorstein's place in the duel. Ívar offered to hold Eyjólf's shield,but Eyjólfur preferred to hold his own, quoting the old saying 'self'shand is best.'

The shield bearer clearly was an active participant in the duel. Kormákur held Steinar's shield in a duel with Bersi, as described in chapter 12 of Kormáks saga. When Bersi's sword stuck in Steinar's shield, Kormákur lifted the shield, allowing Steinar to make an attack that caused a serious wound to Bersi, causing him to fall.

The stories say that before a duel, a sacrificial bull was brought to the dueling site and was slaughtered by the winner of the duel. In chapter 65 of Egils saga, it is said that Egill killed Atli in a duel by grappling with him and biting out his throat. While still in a battle frenzy, Egill picked up the sacrificial bull and threw it down onto the ground, breaking its back.

Xilog maestro software download. Chapter 10 of Kormáks saga hasperhaps the most detailed, if slightly fantastic, description of the duelinglaws and customs. On one hand, the saga text confirms some of the details fromother sources that have been outlined above. Yet on the other hand, the saga text states,for example, that the man who prepares theduel site must approach the cloak in such a way that he can see the skybetween his legs, all the while grasping his earlobes and speaking the invocationof the tjösnublót.

Some duels were settled quickly, such as the duel described in chapter 4of Víga-Glúms saga. Eyjólf's first blow cut off Ásgaut's foot, and soÁsgautur paid to release himself from the duel. He lived the rest of his lifeas a cripple.

Yet some duels went on for a very long time. Þorsteins þáttur stangarhöggs tells of a duel between Þórsteinn and Bjarni that lasted so long that they stopped multiple times to rest and refresh themselves. The description of this duel is fascinating because the author leaves many questions unanswered. Was Bjarni really tired, or was he merely playing with Þorsteinn and testing him? The text supports multiple interpretations.

Ljósvetninga saga (chapter 30) mentions another form of hólmganga, with four men on each side. Hrólfur said he planned to challenge Eyjólfur to a duel and to offer him either a fight with four men on each side, or just the two of them. Interestingly, as the challenger, it appears that Hrólfur had the privilege of choosing who the additional men would be on each side. Hrólfr listed the three who would fight on Eyjólf's side, and said that on his side, he would choose mercenaries and robbers.

Other forms of dueling are also mentioned in the stories. Chapter 17 of Flóamanna saga describes a tub duel (kerganga), in which two men were sealed into a tub or cask. They then fought with staffs that were one ell long (50cm, about 20in).

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People trying to make sense of the duel descriptionshave come up with alternative interpretations than what I've presented here. Onehas to assume that when the sagas were written, duels had long since ceased tobe a common occurrence. Chapter 11 of Gunnlaugs saga ormstungudescribes the last duel to take place in Iceland, between Gunnlaugur and Hrafn, which took place at the Alþing early in the 11th century. The next day, the law council abolished duels. (The duel was a draw, and the saga says that Gunnlaugur and Hrafn agreed to continue the duel in Norway.)

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